| FEBRUARY
2005 :: COVER STORY :: LAW & POLITICS
Sure,
They Broke the Law
But
White-Collar Crooks Weren't Always Thought of as Real Criminals
By
Cynthia Crossen
Staff
Reporter of The Wall Street Journal
Before
Edwin Sutherland, most criminologists believed that theft was a
pathological reaction to poverty.
But in 1939,
Mr. Sutherland, a widely respected sociology professor at Indiana
University, coined a new term: white-collar crime.
People of "respectability
and high social status," Mr. Sutherland asserted, broke laws
as often as members of the lower classes, but the government, media
and public didn't think of them as criminals. Until scholars accepted
that affluent and reputable people also steal, Mr. Sutherland argued,
they would never truly understand the criminal mind.
'The Upper
World'
Mr. Sutherland
had begun his study of the "criminals of the upper world"
by counting the adverse legal decisions against 70 of America's
largest corporations since their founding.
Not a single
one had an unblemished record. Two-Armour & Co. and Swift &
Co.-had 50 violations each for offenses such as financial fraud,
restraint of trade and false advertising. The average was 14.
The pervasiveness
of law-breaking in corporate America convinced Mr. Sutherland that
the conventional wisdom about economic crime was wrong. If poverty
was the primary risk factor, why were so many successful professionals
doing it? Furthermore, he discarded the notion that white-collar
criminals were "rotten apples," isolated cases of individuals
born with a predisposition to steal. White-collar crime is learned
behavior, Mr. Sutherland argued, a consequence of corporate cultures
where government regulation is regarded as harassment, and profit
is the measure of the man.
Quoting the
19th-century white-collar scoundrel Daniel Drew, Mr. Sutherland
wrote: "A prickly conscience would be like a white silk apron
for a blacksmith. Sometimes you've got to get your hands dirty,
but that doesn't mean the money you make is also dirty. Black hens
can lay white eggs."
Until the 20th
century, a person who bilked the public without using force was
rarely prosecuted. "Caveat emptor"-buyer beware-was the
prevailing ethic. Or as one early-20th-century judge said, "We
are not to indict one man for making a fool of another." The
so-called robber barons of the 19th century, such as Mr. Drew, who
literally invented the term "watered stock," didn't even
get a slap on the wrist.
Then came the
Sherman Antitrust Act (1890), the Federal Trade Commission (1914),
the Securities and Exchange Commission (1934), and a host of other
laws and regulations that attempted to set limits on what people
can do in the name of profit. Yet, while white-collar infractions
were deemed illegal, they still weren't necessarily criminal.
"Most of
the defendants in antitrust cases aren't criminals in the usual
sense," wrote Wendell Berge, an assistant U.S. attorney general,
in 1940. "There is no reason why antitrust enforcement requires
branding them as such."
It wasn't until
1961 that any business executives convicted of violating the Sherman
Act actually went to prison.
In the decades
since Mr. Sutherland classified white-collar crime, criminologists
have argued fervently about his work. Some believe that only cases
heard by criminal courts are crimes. Others look at the victims
and say there's an obvious difference between staring down a gun
barrel and losing some retirement savings. White-collar crime has
"diffuse victimization," as it's described: There are
usually many victims over a long period of time. The thief and victim
almost never come face to face. The crimes are complex and difficult
even for other business executives to understand.
That helps explain
why, in a single day recounted by Christopher Stone in his 1975
book, "Where the Law Ends," two cases being decided in
a Georgia court ended so differently. In one case, an embezzler
had stolen $4.6 million from a bank. In the other, three men had
robbed a bank of about $14,000. The embezzler was sentenced to 10
years in jail; the bank robbers received 16 years each.
'Success
at Any Price'
However they're
punished, white-collar criminals are clearly different from other
criminals because they usually have good salaries and hefty bank
balances. The question of why a rich person steals has also been
the subject of lively debate. One psychiatrist theorizes that such
people have a "fantasy of omnipotence," and are guided
by the "common business ideal of success at any price."
Another sociologist has suggested that because many business people
are ambitious, competitive and aggressive, they experience a feeling
of tension that must be relieved somehow, sometimes by stealing.
Still another
holds that businesspeople face contradictory expectations: As a
citizen, they're supposed to obey the law, but as an executive,
they're supposed to resist the law whenever possible. C. Wright
Mills blamed white-collar crime on "structured immorality,"
an impersonal corporate culture and a lack of personal responsibility
among executives.
Mr. Sutherland
never pinpointed the reason why some business executives steal,
and others don't. But he did lament the costs of such crimes, and
not just the economic ones. "White-collar crimes," he
wrote, "violate trust and thus create distrust, and this lowers
social morale and produces social disorganization on a large scale."
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